In Support of Swarthmore Hillel

[Logo of the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network.] [Logo of the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network.]

In Support of Swarthmore Hillel

By : Jadaliyya Reports

 [The following open letter is from The International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network (IJAN)]

This past weekend, something incredibly important happened at a small college in Pennsylvania.

In response to Harvard Hillel barring an Israeli speaker because the university’s Palestine Solidarity Committee had cosponsored the event at which he was to present, the Hillel at Swarthmore College issued a sweeping declaration--that it would allow multiple points of view on Zionism and Palestine within its chapter. In their words, Swarthmore Hillel would be “a religious and cultural group whose purpose is not to advocate for one single political view.” It would “host and partner with any speaker at the discretion of itstudent board, regardless of Hillel International’s Israel guidelines,” and would do so in the full knowledge that “Hillel International’s Israel guidelines privilege only one perspective on Zionism, and make others unwelcome.”

We at the International Jewish anti-Zionist Network (IJAN) welcome this brave and principled declaration from the students of Swarthmore’s Hillel. The Hillel organization has long claimed to represent all Jews on campus. And it has long been a strong supporter of Israel. Through these two positions, it has sought to collapse Jewish identity into Zionism – a maneuver we reject. And so we stand strongly behind these young people’s decision to decouple Jewish communal life from monotone support for Israeli policies, and to make space within their chapterfor the true diversity of opinions on Zionism and the Israeli colonization and occupation of Palestine.

At IJAN, we are inescapably aware of the way Zionist forces have taken over Jewish communal institutions over the past 50 years, thereby welding support for Israeli colonialism onto Jewish community centers, synagogues, and indeed, nearly everywhere Jews come together. We, too, are aware of how Zionists have used the history of Jews and the brutal history of European antisemitism – a history inseparable from European colonial brutality – to shield that outpost of European colonialism from scrutiny by cloaking it in the shroud of Jewish victimhood. In the process, they wrench and deform a Jewish history of working class, anti-colonial, anti-racist, and indeed anti-Zioniststruggle,reshaping, erasing, or instrumentalizing that history to strengthen this sustained settler-colonial project.

We are aware, too, that forging anorthodoxy within such institutions has been a part of this process. Those who have spoken out against Israeli policies, and spoken out in defense of fundamental Palestinian aspirations to determine the shape and character of their lives, have beenostracized from Jewish communal life. They have been faced with a choice of either accepting Zionism, or social rejection – a choice intimately familiar to all of us in IJAN. And now that pressure is beginning to let up, through the determined efforts of thousands of Jewish activists who reject the use of their identity to justify the theft of Palestine.

The courageous students of Swarthmore have been very clear about their intention: if Judaism is a religion, a set of traditions and diversity of cultures, then it is not a singular politic. Thus they declare, “All are welcome to walk through our doors and speak with our name and under our roof, be they Zionist, anti-Zionist, post-Zionist, or non-Zionist.” Predictably, the CEO of Hillel International, Eric Fingerhut, responded to Swarthmore Hillel, noting that “‘anti-Zionists’ will not be permitted to speak using the Hillel name or under the Hillel roof.”Here Fingerhut underlines the role Hillel has played in using its location and credibility as a Jewish institution to push a political line. Its official partnership with AIPAC, aiming “to strategically and proactively empower, train and prepare American Jewish students to be effective pro-Israel activists on and beyond the campus,” underscores this reality.

In an atmosphere within which the student movement is under coordinated assault by an umbrella of Zionist NGOs in collaboration with Israeli consulates, and is fending off a flurry of lawsuits which ceaselessly seek to conflate anti-Zionism with antisemitism, racism, and intolerance, this back-and-forth between Swarthmore Hillel and Hillel’s corporate structure is a microcosm of a discussion happening across the country.And it is a discussion in which Jews have a particular – but not special – role.

That discussion is about how people should choose to live their lives, and about whether Jewish people should be forced into support for a colonial project or be at risk of communal alienation.

That role is to insist that to couple Jewish identity to Zionism is inaccurate and offensive, and will not be accepted.

At IJAN we understand that we have a specific case against Zionism. And we understand, too, that this specific case is secondary and subordinated to the historic crime which the Zionist movement has committed against the indigenous people of Palestine. At the same time, we insist that one component of resisting this ongoing crime is resisting the appropriation of Jewish histories, values, identities, struggles, and suffering by a movement which speaks in our name even as it defendsthe unspeakable.

That will not stand.And especially it will not stand when so many refuse this appropriation. For that reason, we salute the students of Swarthmore Hillel for recognizing that this a struggle worth fighting, for insisting on their right to decide what to make of their lives and how to live their identity, for pushing back hard against an intolerable, false consensus which has been imposed on all of us, and for claiming with beautiful clarity that no one – no CEO, no institution, no rabbinate – has the right to tell them how to be or what to think in this world. And we salute them especially for taking the brave step of welcoming anti-Zionist dissidents into their organization.

We know that they will be encountering a wave of attack over the coming weeks, as many seek to move them from the position they have taken.

With that in mind, we would like to simply thank them for their bravery, to let them know that they are not alone, and to say as loud as we can that what they have done is right, and that we support them in that decision with all of our strength.

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412